Monday, December 8, 2008

WORMCRAWL ISLAND



The Worm that Walks is imprisoned within an obelisk at the heart of Wormcrawl Island, a remote place not found on any nautical chart, forgotten by all but the wisest sages and most despicable cultists. This island is wild and deadly, filled with monsters of incalculable horror and might, infested with the worst sorts of creatures imaginable. The people who entombed Kyuss here chose wisely, for none but the most courageous (or foolish) would dare explore the haunted jungles, brave the swarms of biting vermin, or contend with the monstrous threats contaminating the place. Through the ages, many have settled here, including savage humans, forest giants, and others. No settlement has survived the perils of the island, instead succumbing to beasts of the jungle, madness inspired by the obelisk, or violence committed against one another. Ruins filled with bones and rot testify to the carnage of the inhabitants’ deaths.


KEY FEATURES


To an outsider, the island is like any other tropical paradise, with high, mist-shrouded peaks and lush jungles buzzing with life. The forest canopy is home to several varieties of monkeys, birds whose plumage runs the spectrum, all sorts of crawling insects, and, of course, worms. Beneath its breathtaking exterior lies rot, decay, and pulsing evil. Wormcrawl Island is about four miles in diameter. Two mountains dominate the terrain. The eastern mountain is older and covered by dense jungle, and the western peak is jagged, bare, and topped with a smoking crater. Runoff from the mountains drains down to the interior and gathers in a large freshwater lake. The lake feeds a river that cuts a path to the ocean. Gathering on the shores of the river is dense foliage consisting of thorny bushes, tall grasses, and odd flowers. The most notable feature of the island is at its center, where the Worm that Walks languishes in the prison of its obelisk. All around the 100-foot-tall spire is blood rock, stone infused with the blood of countless sacrifices. Spewing up from this stone are pools of slime infused with Kyuss’s pestilence. The islet rises in the center of a sea of hot tar. Great bubbles rise from its depths to burst and release poisonous fumes that waft across the shores and fill the air with toxins.


DEFENSES


The island is home to numerous creatures—undead and aberrations mostly—but there are all sorts of vermin, magical beasts, and other predators as well. Although these threats are many and varied, characters of a level likely to be exploring this place should be more than a match for such creatures.


ENCOUNTER AREAS


The encounter map depicts one possible approach, placing the obelisk in the center of the island. If the adventurer travel from a different direction, change the compass to a direction serving your needs or sketch out the rest of the island. The following encounter areas are but a sample of those that could take place here.


A. Gruesome Greeting

Skulls mounted on stained poles along the island’s shores serve as warnings to drive off unwanted visitors. The skulls are all humanoid, and a check reveals small holes riddling each.



B. The River

The river is not deep enough for a seafaring vessel to navigate; characters equipped with rowboats can move upstream without a problem. The river is 100 feet wide on average. It is home to giant crocodiles, schools of flesh-eating fish, and a variety of water snakes. Swarms of biting insects carry filth fever, and each hour of travel adventurers must succeed on Fortitude saves or contract the disease.



C. The Lake

Waterfalls spilling down from the mountain create a beautiful spectacle for those coming upon this place, masking the danger lurking beneath its waters. Five hideous leechwalkers rise up and attack any who come too close.



D. Caves

A few caves and fissures pierce the slope of the volcano. Venting out from these gaps are plumes of poisonous gas. Characters flying over the island or climbing the volcano must make a Fortitude save against the poisonous air each minute they remain in the area. Each cave descends 1d4×100 feet into the volcano. In their depths, at least a dozen blessed spawn of Kyuss work to breach the walls and flood the tunnels and the island with lava to destroy the obelisk and free their master.




E. Volcano

A volcano towers over the island, rising above the lower slopes at a sharp climb up to 2,000 feet above sea level at the lip of the caldera. At the top, the ground gives way to a 500-foot-deep pit a thousand feet across. At the bottom is a churning soup of lava, spewing clouds of poisonous gas and the occasional spray of flaming rock into the air. Characters lingering here are subject to the same In addition, there’s a 20% chance each minute that something belches forth from the flaming pit, striking a random character. The creature struck must succeed on a Reflex save or take bludgeoning damage and fire damage.



F. The Unquiet Jungle

The jungle that covers much of the land west of the volcano is crawling with fierce insects and contaminated by parasites and diseases delivered by clouds of thirsty mosquitoes. Each hour the characters travel through the jungles exposes them to slimy doom.



G. Shattered Idol

Rising up like a crone’s finger from the western mountain are the remains of a shattered idol. Little is left to testify to its original form, though it’s clear the figure wore robes. Rubble litters the ground around the idol, and 50 feet down the slope lies the head, which is carved to look like a mass of worms.



H. Sacred Pool

This pool served as a sacred meeting place. It is now black and corrupt, with a skin of green slime coating its surface. The water feeding the pool spills into the murk without disturbing the surface. The grass and underbrush all around is brown and slippery with rot. A successful Search check of the area turns up a few scraps of cloth, a shattered symbol of Obad-Hai, and a scattering of maggot-infested flesh.


I. Polluted Lake

The marsh is a mess of mud, pools of brown water, and dead reeds. In its center is a still, black pool of stinking water. Just beneath the surface are the rotting remains of the villagers who lived here. The salts of the water preserve their bodies, keeping them ready for animation. As long as no one drinks the water, the pool and its contents are harmless. Consuming or touching the water exposes the characters to the tiny green worms crawling through the muck. The worms function as those bestowed by the blessed spawn of Kyuss’s bestow worm ability .



J. Tar Pit

The islet that surrounds the obelisk is encircled by a sea of tar.


LINK


Sunday, December 7, 2008

THE ROMAN EMPIRE DOES NOT FALL


Author’s Excuses and clarifications

First of all I know there are a few jumps in this timeline, especially in the later half. I know that the Romans had no practical way of finding Iceland (Atlantis is Iceland). But the fact is that from the north coast of Scotland there isn't that long a way to Iceland. Also the Vikings found the country by similar accidents so at least I think this is perfectly plausible.


Although it would appear that way this timeline is not ”let the Roman Empire continue so Flavian Aetius can take over” in fact when I began this time line I had almost no idea who this guy was. It wasn't until I was knee deep in the civil war that I realized that I needed a hero to get things right. The Roman Protectorates during that era were mostly Roman in name only as several new tribes settled in those provinces regardless whether or not Flavius thought the lands were under his control.


Also regarding the minor industrial revolution. I'm not talking about full blown steam engines. It’s more of a more efficient way to make and build things. The heavy plow is a good example of a tool that revolutionizes the world without making machines. Imagine the Romans knowing the basis for steam engines but not having the metallurgy for it.

Alternate History Wiki

What is Alternative History?

Simply put, alternate history is the exercise of looking at the past and asking “what if”? What if some major historical event had gone differently? How might the world have been changed immediately, and in the long term? Popular “what if” questions include “what if the Nazis had won WW2?” and “what if the South had won the US Civil War?”

To be more precise, alternate history generally exists as works of fiction, either in narrative (story) format or in the form of an essay or other non-narrative work, which have been created at least in part to showcase an imagined world where a change at some point in history led to events that could have happened, but did not happen in the actual past. A work of alternate history may focus on a point in the past, showing a departure from real history occurring, or it may focus on an altered world that resulted from the consequences of a departure long past.

In the vast majority of alternate history scenarios the departure from real history occurred within recorded history, but in some cases it may have been an event in prehistory, even a geological difference. The key point is that alternate histories deal with imagined or hypothetical worlds whose history is the same as our history up to some point, and then changes significantly.

Alternate history is sometimes abbreviated “AH” for short. According to some people “Alternative History” is more grammatically correct, but “Alternate History” is now well established as the common usage. Alternate history scenarios are sometimes colloquially referred to as “what-ifs”, or WIs for short. Other less common names include “counterfactual history” (used mainly by historians), “allohistory”, and “uchronia/uchronie” (used mainly in the French language).

Alternate history stories are usually considered a subgenre of science fiction, which is where you will usually find them in the book store, and there are also often alternate history “crossovers” with fantasy. It is entirely possible and in fact quite common, however, for alternate histories to contain no new science or technology, and no fantastic elements, merely depicting a world where history went differently. A great many alternate history novels and short stories have been written, and some non-narrative books. The existence of the genre goes back over a century, although it has only been in the last few decades that it has really become a significant subgenre of its own.

There is also a thriving community of alternate history fans on the web, with many amateur works of alternate history and active discussion forums. In other media, however, alternate history is relatively rare. It is found occasionally in television, film, comics, and computer games. This is probably both because developing an alternate history in such a way that it is interesting requires a level of background that comes across best with the detail of writing, and because alternate history requires a level of historical knowledge and interest that is not present in enough of the potential mass media audience to justify going to frequent effort to do it well.

Thursday, December 4, 2008

THE EMERLAS



The northern tip of Canolbarth Forest is a wild and beautiful area known as the Emerlas. Shrouded in mystery and legend, the Emerlas is home to numerous creatures. Floating high above the Emerlas is the Shining Isle of Karelia, a faedorne. The Shining Isle is only visible at night and appears as a bright star in the heavens, known to the elves as the Star of Galannor.

Two thousand years ago, the red dragon Gorkalk flew out of the northern mountains and destroyed large tracts of the Emerlas. Seeking a champion to combat the dragon, Karelia’s attention lighted on Galannor Nightflame, an elfin hero of great renown, dwelling in Alfheim to the south. Karelia sent a raven as her messenger to Galannor Nightflame to lead him from Alfheim. Galannor made haste to the Emerlas and sought out Gorkalk’s lair in the Misty Hills. There, a terrible fight ensued and, in spite of his wounds, Galannor slew the dragon. Karelia was impressed with Galannor’s bravery. In her silver ship, she carried the wounded hero to the Shining Isle where he now lives beyond his span of years.

Since then the Emerlas has been peaceful and many creatures have made it their home. Recently, however, the red dragon Khordarg has moved into the lair of her great grandfather, Gorkalk. By employing threats and promises of wealth she has brought many humanoid bands under her control. Khordarg now plans to lay waste to the area, and she has already destroyed the dwarven stronghold of Granitgape and the human hamlet of Scrubton . At the start of the adventure, only Erystelle’s great uncle Druinder suspects Khordarg’s existence.

DORNERYLL

Erystelle’s home, Dorneryll is a large oak tree on the southern edge of the Emerlas. On brightly painted platforms high in the branches of Dorneryll, the elves of Erystelle’s family have made their homes. The area around the tree is laid out with pleasant flower, vegetable and herb gardens. To the east of the tree are a few outbuildings and stables for the family’s horses. The nearest elfin dwelling to Dorneryll is that of Druinder, the elfin smith to the north west. All other elves live to the south, deep in Canolbarth Forest. As a youngster, Erystelle was never allowed to wander far in the Emerlas and consequently the character’s knowledge of the area is sketchy. On reaching maturity, Erystelle headed south to Alfheim, the elf king’s court, and to lands beyond.

ERYSTELLE’S DESTINY HOMECOMING

After years of adventuring in distant lands, Erystelle has decided to return home. But the homecoming will be far from pleasant; most of Dorneryll’s inhabitants lie dead, slain by the red dragon Khordarg, while Dorneryll itself is in flames. This vicious attack cannot go unavenged ...

THE EMERLAS

A letter found by the burning trunk of Dorneryll will lead to the forge of Erystelle’s great uncle. Druinder will suggest that Erystelle attempts to recall Galannor Nightflame. Druinder thinks that the hermit of the north will know how this is to be done and gives directions to the hermit’s cave. Unfortunately, the hermit has gone into hiding and Erystelle will be unable to find him until much later in the quest. However, Fate has chosen Erystelle to save the Emerlas and to be as great a hero as Galannor Nightflame. After collecting numerous clues, Erystelle will discover the location and secret of the Shattered Pillars. From here, Erystelle will journey to the Shining Isle aboard the silver ship of Karelia the faedorne.

THE SHINING ISLE

Two tests face Erystelle on the Shining Isle. If the Silver Warrior is defeated and the Bridge of Change successfully negotiated, Erystelle will arrive at the Silver Glade. Here, Karelia the faedorne awaits with the magical items of Galannor - including the sentient sword, Scorbane.

THE MISTY HILLS

Journeying to Khordarg's lair. Erystelle will discover thousands of humanoids ready for an assault on Alfheim. To slay Khordarg, Erystelle has to sneak through a cave system to the dragon's lair and there face her in single combat.

Lamassu-colossi


Šedu and lamassu were the names of benevolent demons in Mesopotamia. In Assyrian palaces, some of the more important gates and doorways had monolithic sculpted jambs representing striding winged bulls or lions with a human face. While the image of the human-headed bull is common in the Assyrian iconography, the architectural application may derive from Anatolia, where carved jambs had been used by the Hittites (see BOGHAZKÖY, ALAÇA HÜYÜK). Their purpose in the words of the Assyrian king Esarhaddon was ‘to turn back an evil person, guard the steps and secure the path of the king who fashioned them’ (Ash.62f). The Achaemenians took over the theme of the winged guardians, interpreted in the more dynamic manner of their art (see Gate of Xerxes, PERSEPOLIS).

Edzard, D.O. (ed.), Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie VI (Berlin, New York 1980–83) 447


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Wednesday, December 3, 2008

CLASSIC MAYA WITCHES PART II


Adult males and females, juveniles, and infants are found in Actun Tunichil Muknal and Actun Uayazba Kab in west-central Belize. Major differences are context (surface or subsurface), evidence for trauma (present or absent), and grave goods (present or absent). Why were people treated differently at death at the two caves?

Were the dead of Tunichil Muknal all innocent victims? Or were some guilty, or at least perceived as being guilty (i.e., witch persecution)? Actun Uayazba Kab, located closer to a settlement (Cahal Witz Na), demonstrates more evidence for funerary rites and the creation of ancestors, who were kept relatively close to the living in a “lineage mountain.” Most individuals were buried beneath a plaster floor, along with offerings. In contrast, Actun Tunichil Muknal goes deeper into the mountain – that is, closer to the sacred – and is dangerous. The dead were not accorded traditional burial rites; they were perhaps killed and then placed on the surface – without offerings. These people were left exposed without any protection from the elements or the perilous underworld. These individuals could have been sacrificial victims; just as vessels were terminated or killed, so too were humans. If this were the case, who was chosen and why? Under what circumstances are human sacrifices necessary? It likely would take something drastic to result in the killing of a person who was a member of the community – not an every-day kind of problem. It also could be that individuals in both caves were left as offerings to the gods of the underworld, or Chac the rain god, or the maize god, especially in times of trouble or misfortune. For example, in colonial Yucatán, Bishop de Landa noted that the Maya would make pilgrimages during famine when they “were reduced to eating the bark of trees” (Tozzer, 1941:180) to the Sacred Cenote at Chichén Itzá to pray and offer sacrifices for rain. Caves may have served a similar purpose, and in some instances infants, children, and some adults may have been selected for sacrifice because of their innocence and purity (e.g., Anda, and Hurtado et al. in this volume; Moyes and Gibbs, 2000).

Some of the adults in Tunichil Muknal, however, could have been selected because of a community-wide consensus that a particular person’s death would restore order – which might explain the evidence for violence and the haphazard placement of the remains. Perhaps they represent not just offerings, but punishment for the perceived threat they presented in life. This is witchcraft persecution: the punishment of someone to bring things back to normal. Their bodies were disposed of in the same place they were believed to have performed the malevolent ceremonies that brought ill fortune to the community. By killing or sacrificing someone, the Maya deactivated their evil power. And just like the Lacandon abandon deanimated pots in sacred caves because they are still dangerous, the same goes for malevolent persons – witches; the evil power with which they – and their bodies – are imbued demanded a similar fate.

By offering such individuals, who perhaps were thought to have acted against the gods, the living condemned their spirits to the malevolent gods of the underworld. Or, just as the hero twins of the Maya creation story killed the “evil” gods of the underworld by refusing to bring them back to life, the same could have been done to “witches” by not allowing their spirits to be released, not allowing them to travel into the “after-life,” thus ending their life all together. Perhaps sending such witches into caves was a way of sending them “back,” or giving them up to some of the potential evil dwellers residing in the underworld.

Or perhaps the Maya wanted to ensure that upon a witch’s death their spirit would go directly to the underworld – the place were souls were believed to have traveled upon death – and not continue wandering around the earth wreaking havoc.

In conclusion, there are thousands of caves in the southern Maya lowlands, and most, if not all, contain offerings. A majority of caves have human remains, some of which were enclosed in urns or subsurface burials, and some of which were not. The physical removal of the dead from the community and the living to places such as caves, also deemed as sacred places in the landscape, separated the individual from their social positions within the community – either emphasizing their importance, or removing them all together and negating their position. Why people were disposed of rather than buried has been the main focus of this paper – to explore the possibility that Classic Maya witches existed. The prevalence of witch persecution and witch killings cross-culturally, including throughout Mesoamerica, past and present, demands that we consider that not all sacrificial victims were chosen for their innocence.

CLASSIC MAYA WITCHES PART I


Prehispanic Maya funeral rites include the burying of the deceased in house or shrine floors or other architectural settings, typically with offerings (e.g., McAnany, 1995). Human remains showing “hasty disposal,” and/or consisting of disarticulated remains might comprise those “. . . who were perhaps regarded as nonpersons” (Geller, 2004:422), such as children, slaves – or, as we argue, witches. Geller (2004:301–308), in her work comparing burial patterns and skeletal remains from several sites and contexts in northwestern Belize, discusses partial remains as possibly indicating veneration, mutilation, or remembrance. She also notes the difficulty of distinguishing between them. Context, however, might provide useful clues (see Scott and Brady, 2005; Tiesler, and Medina and Sánchez in this volume; Moyes and Gibbs, 2000).

Human remains in nonfunerary or nonburial contexts, such as partial remains on or underneath architectural floors, might reflect the remains of sacrificial victims, while similarly placed remains on surfaces in caves might reflect the disposal of witches. It has largely been assumed that ritual violence only involves the sacrifice of innocent victims (see Tiesler in this volume). Witch killings, however, need to be considered as a possible explanation for some violent deaths, or even as a type of sacrifice – specifically of a noninnocent person, or one who is perceived as being malevolent by his or her peers. The challenge is to distinguish one from the other; in such cases context becomes just as critical as evidence of violence, especially since the latter occurs to both the innocent and “guilty.” Several types of violent deaths and associated physical evidence; taking this evidence into account, as well as the context of remains, is critical to distinguish sacrificial victims from possible killed witches. And it is important to keep in mind that not all forms of ritual violence leave telling evidence; “strangulation, disembowelment, or imprisonment in a cave leave little or no signatures” (Scott and Brady, 2005:276).

The majority of remains found in the caves listed are from surface contexts (55%, n = 17) rather than formal burials. The remaining contexts include surface and burials (10%, n = 3), urns or burials (26%, n = 8), and unknown contexts (10%, n = 3). It is necessary to note that not all of the caves listed in Table 3.2 have been excavated, and thus the actual number of burials is unknown. We are not suggesting that all surface remains represent sacrificial victims and/or witches; however, we are suggesting a re-evaluation of human remains recovered from surface contexts.

Unfortunately, in most cases the sex of the individuals is unknown or not recorded. Of the few surface remains identified, 15 are male and 16 are female; subadults were noted in 37 cases, as were 49 adults. For the sake of comparison, of the identified buried remains, there are 10 females, 12 males, 18 subadults, and 44 adults. Due to the limited information, it is not possible to present firm conclusions. However, the human remains found in caves on surfaces begs the question of why the Maya deposited people (or killed them) in such dangerous places as caves, whether they be ancestors, sacrificial victims, or witches. This behavior clearly is prevalent through space (Guatemala, Mexico, and Belize) and time (Preclassic through Postclassic periods). More research on remains in caves is needed to conduct a proper comparison with residential or architectural burials. Burials in structures typically represent ancestor veneration (McAnany, 1995) – what does this fact signify regarding the role of the deposition of the dead in caves?

Monday, December 1, 2008

CIVILIZATION 9,000 YEARS AGO




Conjectural image of daily life in Catal Huyuk


Does a Long-Lost Turkish Metropolis Qualify for the Oldest-City Award?

BY PETER KING

Thanks to modern techniques of accurate dating, the list of candidates for ‘First City’ on earth, at least as far as conventional archaeology is concerned, has thinned considerably in recent years. At various times in history, though, several cities have pressed claims for the distinction.


For some decades Ur of the Chaldees, the powerful capital of Sumer, which included a large part of ancient Mesopotamia, was at the top of the list. Under the direction of archaeologist Leonard Woolley, excavation during the period between the two World Wars culminated in the finding of 16 royal tombs. In these were gold artifacts, copper daggers, lapis lazuli jewelry, chariots and oxen and the bodies of dozens of courtiers who had committed suicide so as to accompany their royal masters into the next world, many of them holding musical instruments.


Jerusalem had a big advantage with its claim to the title—frequent mentions in the Bible, the Torah and the Egyptian Execration Texts (written in 1900 B.C.). The earliest traces of human settlement in Jerusalem are from the Early Bronze Age, about 3,000 B.C. Excavations south of the Temple Mount have revealed a human settlement, and near the Goon Spring, the foundations of a great stone wall have been uncovered. The Old Testament refers to Melchizedek as ‘King of Jerusalem’ and tells of his meetings with Abraham, the Hebrew prophet. According to the Bible, control of the city passed through various tribes and coalitions until a relative stability was reached when David, who had united the kingdoms of Israel and Judah, established Jerusalem as the capital of the Jewish kingdom. He was succeeded by King Solomon who enlarged the city and built his temple.


A period of intense archaeological activity at the early part of the twentieth century brought a further contender for the coveted title of ‘the oldest city in the world.’ This was Damascus in Syria where excavations on the outskirts indicated that it had been inhabited as early as 8,000 B.C. although it was probably not ‘a city’ in those days but rather a number of unconnected groups of dwellings.


An expedition excavating south of Damascus in 1950 proved that an urban center existed in the 4th century B.C., just southeast of the city we know today. Archaeological attempts continue to determine more closely when, during the period from 8,000 B.C. to 400 B.C., the first ‘city’ arose.


Pottery has been turned up pre-dating the latter date, and also found were the remains of a highly advanced irrigation system which had been improved and extended by successive rulers throughout the ensuing centuries. Damascus first came under Western control when the armies of Alexander the Great captured it in 323 B.C.. The history of the city from that time on became a list of foreign conquerors. From the Persians, it passed to the Mamelukes, the Mongols, to the Greeks and then the Romans. The city was taken by Muslim soldiers in A.D. 635 and has remained in Muslim custody ever since.


In 1961, another British archaeologist, James Mellaart, began digging at a site containing large mounds on a plateau in Central Anatolia in what today is Turkey. It was not an impressive sight, a pitted, gullied area amid a rolling plain of wheatfields. But Mellaart was confident that the mounds concealed settlements abandoned even before the beginning of the Bronze Age, and his confidence was soon justified. A settlement dated at 5400 B.C. was discovered—and the work continued at an increased pace, the archaeologists electrified by the uncovering of a time that pre-dated any discovery yet made. To their amazement, still another settlement beneath it was unearthed, dating from an even earlier period.


Further excavation revealed yet another city beneath that and the extraordinary series of discoveries continued until no less than thirteen levels, each representing an earlier city, were exposed! The earliest of these dated back to 6800 B.C.


James Mellaart continued his work for four years, until 1965. Legal problems intervened then, concerning his publication of drawings of Bronze Age artifacts which later disappeared—the now infamous ‘Dorak Affair.’ The site lay idle until September in 1993 when digging re-commenced under the leadership of Ian Hodder and a team from the University of Cambridge.


Hodder’s team undertook a completely different and more thorough approach. Whereas Mellaart had excavated two hundred buildings in four seasons, Hodder spent an entire season unearthing only one building. Today, barely one acre out of a 32-acre site has been excavated.


Nevertheless, even though new research from India may cast doubt on the proposition, most conventional archaeologists are currently convinced that the spot is in fact the mother city of civilized life on earth, the ancestress of all cities and the center of the first great prehistoric civilization. The amount of knowledge gathered from the two periods of excavation has been enormous and it seems to give us a glimpse of just what life was like at the dawn of modern mankind’s sojourn on earth, long before recorded history— as far back as nine thousand years ago.


The inhabitants of earth’s first city were apparently aware of their precarious location. A landscape painting on the wall of a shrine in Catal Huyuk shows that they knew of the twin volcanoes less than a hundred miles away from their city. The painting depicts smoke rising. At least they were able to take advantage of previous eruptions as indicated by the many ax heads, knife blades, scrapers and other tools and weapons made from obsidian, the volcanic glass spewed out by volcanic action, which were found at the site.


This complex settlement seems to have had a population of close to 10,000 at its peak. This figure must have varied but was in all likelihood never less than 5,000 throughout most of the duration of Catal Huyuk’s period of activity which had a number of intriguing variations.


The top layers of the mound, that is, those containing the most recent buildings, are dated to 5,600 B.C.. The city was mysteriously and suddenly abandoned at about this time and a new city, designated Catal Huyuk West was founded several miles away across the Carsamba Cay River. The most likely reason for the desertion would seem to have been volcanic eruption from Hasan Dag, the nearby twin-coned volcano, but the argument has been raised that in this case, the new city would surely have been located further away.


Catal Huyuk West was apparently occupied for about 700 years, then it too, was abandoned, again for no obvious reason. About 4,900 B.C., the entire region was deserted, again without explanation. The oldest layer has been dated to before 6,500 B.C. and it is thought that the site was occupied for several hundred years at the least before that and possibly even several millennia. Consequently, the full duration of Catal Huyuk’s existence can be said to stretch approximately from 7,000 B.C. to 4,900 B.C.


The denizens of Catal Huyuk lived in houses built of mud-brick and although huddled together, there were no streets. The houses were accessed through holes in the ceilings and ladders to the floor. The holes served for ventilation and the expulsion of cooking fumes. A main room was used for cooking and daily activities, though in good weather the roofs were used for many activities including community relations. Raised platforms were built along the walls of the rooms for sleeping, sitting and working. All these surfaces were plastered smooth and timbered beams reinforced the roof. Many niches were built into the walls which were plastered and whitened with gesso and frequently decorated with paintings. A separate storage room adjoined.


Although the houses were crowded together to form the entire ‘city,’ they were built into groups separated by small spaces and strung around a central, larger area that served as a meeting place. No defensive walls have been excavated, so that there must have been no fear of attack by more aggressive tribes, although the exterior houses had a thicker wall on the outside, perhaps for insulation against temperature extremes.


The people of Catal Huyuk were skilled in agriculture, and the domestication of animals and their skills increased through the centuries. Their nutritional needs were supplied by barley and wheat as well as ‘triticum,’ a hardy variety of wheat common in the Near East, while the growing of peas, almonds, pistachios and fruit as well as the raising of sheep and cattle were all pursued. Hunting for food was another major activity.


Very little trash was found by the archaeologists, which was taken to mean that the rooms were kept surprisingly clean. Rubbish heaps were located some distance away from the houses. In addition to the dwellings, larger buildings that served as sanctuaries have been identified. This conclusion was reached by studying decorations on the walls, many in relief. A great number are modeled in plaster and show bulls’ heads. Many contain the horns of actual aurochs, the ancestor of the bull, and seem clearly related to the animal that formed the basis of the cult on the island of Crete in the Bronze Age.


In Catal Huyuk, the people buried their dead inside the city. Human remains have been found in pits under the floors of houses. The bodies were wrapped in mats made of reeds or laying in baskets. In some graves, the bones were not all connected and it is supposed that the bodies were exposed in the open air for some time after death before the bones were collected for burial. In a procedure depicted on wall paintings the bodies had been de-fleshed by vultures. Occasional decapitated bodies have been turned up and the corresponding heads have been found in other parts of the city where they may have been used in a religious ritual. In some instances, skulls covered over with plaster have had faces painted on them in ochre to resemble human faces—a practice common in other Neolithic sites found in Syria and Palestine.


It seems that there were no social classes in Catul Huyuk. Men and women apparently had equal status and contributed equally. No dwellings have been found to date that would suggest they had belonged to priests or lords or kings.


Excavations in 2004 and 2005 revealed a surprising number of female figurines and this has been interpreted by some as suggesting that Catal Huyuk was the source of the Great Mother Goddess religion—the universal faith of Europe, the Near East and the Far East. The concepts of fertility and fecundity are prominent in Neolithic cults where life was precious despite being cheap and short. Female figurines far outnumber those of males and are carefully shaped and well formed. Several of the locations where these have been excavated are believed by James Mellaart to have been used as shrines. One interesting exception was a small statue of a Mother Goddess flanked by two lions and, as this was found in a grain bin, the theory is that she was intended to be a protector of the vital food supply. Of course artifacts indicating the worship of a mother goddess and probably predating Catul Huyuk have been found throughout Europe.


The Catul Huyuk figurines were carved from a variety of materials including marble, alabaster, limestone, schist, clay, basalt and calcite. Obsidian tools were employed—the production of which was a specialty of the artisans of Catal Huyuk and which they traded widely.


Catal Huyuk appears to have been not only the first city but the hub of a network of smaller cities, all combined in a trading union that extended over hundreds of miles. At various times of the year, the walls of Catal Huyuk were painted in bright colors, tents and stock yards were erected, craft shops exhibited their wares, entertainers danced, juggled, offered magic acts and tricks of legerdemain. Traders came to obtain the prized obsidian and in turn offered seashells from the Mediterranean and flint from Syria. Marriage exchanges did a brisk business, and religious services and rituals were held.


Catal Huyuk was a bustling place on these occasions and was, some believe, the largest concentration of humans on planet Earth. No World Fair could have been as well supported.


So until further exploration reveals another candidate, perhaps in India, Catal Huyuk will be regarded by orthodox archaeology as the first city on earth; and while obvious differences exist, the people and practices of Catal Huyuk, nine thousand years ago, appear to be not that different from our own.



LINK


Saturday, November 29, 2008

WHAT HAPPENED TO THE MAYAS


Ruined cornice of a giant wall at El Mirador


Mayan pyramid at Uxmal

Hollywood Aside, What Do We Really Know About the Sudden Disappearance of Central America’s Mystery People?

BY FRANK JOSEPH

Director Mel Gibson’s new movie Apacalypto purports to be a fictional story set in the time of the Mayas, though the film’s ending— showing Spanish ships arriving off the Mexican coast—seems to place the tale in the time of the Aztecs, long after the Mayan civilization had vanished from the scene. And as strange and disturbing as the movie is, the real enigma of the Central American Mayas may be even stranger and more disturbing than fiction could ever convey. The Great Mystery of the Maya is: Why did their civilization suddenly shut down? And what became of them? These two questions have bedeviled archaeologists since the 19th century, and have remained unanswered even with the late 20th century translation of Mayan hieroglyphs.

 

After more than a thousand years of building city-states across Yucatan, the Maya abandoned them, never to return. But they left behind no evidence of plague, famine, or war to explain their disappearance. To be sure, their faulty agricultural system resulted in wide-spread hunger, even starvation. And the once idyllic image of the Maya as humane astronomer-priests more interested in celestial matters than murderous militarists bent on conquest was dispelled when their temple inscriptions were translated. They do indeed reveal a race of genius mathematicians, colorful artists and urban builders, but with a darker streak of inter-city fighting and human sacrifice. Some scholars conclude that this disappointing penchant for bloodshed rendered society no longer livable.

 

But the translations also show that warfare was part and parcel of the Maya world for the length and breadth of their history. They reveal that Maya society was in a virtually constant state of war punctuated by episodes of treaty-brokered peace during which opposing sides contracted new alliances and rearmed themselves for renewed conflict. Campaigns fought at the close of Maya greatness were neither more nor less bloody nor far-flung than those waged since its beginning. True, Yucatan experienced bouts of mass starvation due to poor agrarian practices. But these, too, were endemic to Maya agriculture from the start. In fact, crop production throughout Middle America was bountiful at the time civilization there winked out.

 

Neither incessant warfare nor failed crops can adequately explain why a vast population spread across the entire Yucatan Peninsula and beyond, north into Mexico and south into Central America, abruptly ceased to function, if only because the Mayas never exercised any central authority over these extensive areas. Shortly before A.D. 900, their cities everywhere were abandoned in concert, as though some kind of a call or order went out to terminate their society. When an entire culture suddenly ceases to be, the comprehensive, decisive event invariably leaves behind clear, abundant evidence of its overwhelming impact. The collapse of civilization in the Indus Valley graphically appears in the mass graves of its people slaughtered by invading Aryan hordes. The fall of Homer’s Ilios is clearly outlined in the stratum of burnt material at Hissarlik’s Troy VIIb level, on the Aegean cost of Turkey. The nuclear scars left by USAF bombers at Hiroshima and Nagasaki will be still clearly visible for centuries to come. But nothing of the kind appears anywhere within the Mayas’ former sphere of influence. Even their preserved remains show no extraordinary indications of disease, famine or warfare.

 

As their way of life evidenced little or no sign of development, progress or change from first day to last, so nothing suggests social decline leading to a fall, nor any event horizon that definitively brought their history to an abrupt close. Why, then, did they shut down their still-prosperous cities and abandon their country after more than a millennium of unrelieved greatness?

 

Only one cause can account for the Mayas’ mass-evacuation, in unison, of every city-state across the Yucatan and beyond. But to grasp its identity and universal power, something of the Mayas’ origins and mentality must be first understood.

 

Mainstream scholars believe the Maya arose during a Formative Period around 200 B.C., followed by population increase and social coalescence in an Early Classic Period. Ceremonial cities and pyramid-building sprouted with the Classic Period, reaching their florescence before A.D. 900 in the Late Classic. The professionals are unable to explain exactly why simple hunter-gatherers, after uncounted millennia of preliterate existence, suddenly decided to become hieroglyph- literate, pyramid-building Maya astronomers and mathematicians. Archaeologists can only guess that 3rd century B.C. tribes may have reached a certain population density, from which organized society possibly emerged as a matter of course. This baseless assumption is a hard pill for any rational person to swallow, and smacks of 18th century scholars who believed mice were formed from corner cobwebs. More importantly, it ignores the Mayas’ obvious inheritance from their predecessors.

 

The Olmecs built America’s first civilization, beginning in the Veracruz area of northeastern Mexico, along the Atlantic coast, but eventually spread into what would later become the Maya lands, as far south as El Salvador. They introduced pyramid construction, hieroglyphs (recently discovered), city-planning, sculpture, medicine, irrigation, and all the other arts of civilized arts associated with Mesoamerica. While their earlier culture differed stylistically from the Maya, material and chronological connections are nonetheless obvious. The Olmecs went extinct around 400 B.C., and while this date pre-dates the Mayas’ Formative Period by two hundred years, the archaeologists themselves appear to have miscalculated.

 

In 1978, they were shocked to learn that the Mayas’ largest ceremonial city was built centuries before such complexes were supposed to have arisen. Located in the north of the modern department of El Petén, in Guatemala, El Mirador, “The Look-Out,” flourished from about the 10th Century B.C., reaching its height from the 3rd Century B.C. to the 2nd century A.D., with a peak population of perhaps 80,000 people. None of this, according to the experts, was supposed to have appeared until Classic, even Late Classic Times, many hundreds of years later.

 

El Mirador covers some ten square miles, and features a large, low, artificial platform topped with a set of three step-pyramids. One, nicknamed El Tigre, stands 180 feet high. But its companion, La Danta, is greater by fifty feet, making it the tallest structure the Maya ever built, this allegedly from the first day of their history, if not before. The sprawling platform on which it was perched is a base covering 74,000 feet of ground. Most of the structures at El Mirador were originally faced with beautifully cut stone covered by large, stucco murals depicting the gods and goddesses of the Maya, all here fully fleshed out in the otherworldly identities familiar to mythologists.

 

Dating the site prior to the presumed origin of Maya civilization are the remains of a wall that perhaps enclosed the entire location: the stones that went into its construction were reused from even earlier structures. El Mirador sits at the center of a series of ancient sacbeob, or raised, stone, pedestrian causeways, one stretching to another Maya ceremonial center at Nakbe, almost ten miles away. El Mirador’s age well overlaps the last few centuries of the Olmec, and its already advanced, even matchless construction affirm that the Maya not only inherited that earlier culture, but were, in fact, latter-day Olmecs, who carried on and developed the civilizing mission begun by their predecessors.

 

El Mirador is little known in the outside world, perhaps because its mere existence threatens to overturn the neat chronologies established by mainstream archaeologists. Indeed, the Maya themselves had nothing whatsoever to do with such academic timetables. As universally acknowledged mathematicians of unparalleled greatness, their understanding of their own beginnings is certainly worth more than the scientific guesswork of modern scholars. The Maya were, in fact, very exact, as they were in all things mathematical, concerning the precise moment of their coming into the world. In short, they believed their civilization was born on 12 August, 3113 B.C.

 

While archaeologists dismiss this date as impossibly contrary to modern understanding of Maya chronology, it coincides remarkably well with Olmec origins around 3000 B.C. Until the 1950s, the Olmec were believed to go back no earlier than two thousand, five hundred years ago. With the advent of radio-carbon techniques, however, a period circa 1200 B.C. became more acceptable, until improved testing pushed it back another three centuries. Most recently, research at the Olmec site of Jalapa revealed a late 4th millennium B.C. date, as confirmed by Dr. Pablo Bush-Romero, head of the National Archaeology Department for the Mexican government. It seems, then, that the Mayas were an outgrowth of Olmec culture, as they themselves suggest in their national birthday of 3113 B.C.

 

Like their predecessors, they worshiped numerous deities. But one mythic figure dominated their vast pantheon of gods and goddesses, nature-spirits and chthonic demons. The Mayas’ supreme being was Time. They realized that it created everything throughout the universe, destroyed everything, and restored everything in new forms. And the Great Omnipotence made its will known in the progress of celestial movement. Hence, the Mayas’ mastery of astronomy. Through attentive, accurate observation of the heavens, they learned what God expected of them. By putting themselves in accord with his celestial commandments, as expressed in the progress of the heavenly bodies, they fulfilled his plan for mankind, they believed. That was the spiritual basis for designing the Maya calendar. It came to absolutely rule their lives, and was consulted in all matters of state, as well as personal affairs. Marriages were contracted, children conceived, food eaten, burials conducted, wars waged, journeys undertaken, professions assigned, kings crowned, captives sacrificed— every human activity, high or low, was religiously regulated under the tyranny of time.

 

The lives not only of the Mayas, but of the high cultures that preceded and followed them, were absolutely overshadowed by this temporal god. The later Aztecs inherited his will in the form of the Tonalpohualli, a ritual calendar astrology, known as Tonalonamatl, used to plot the horoscopes of each member of the empire. The Tonalpouque were yet other priests who determined good and evil days. Merchants, sailors, traders and couriers could not begin their travels until the Tonalpouque had discovered the proper “One Serpent,” or Fortunate Day.

 

As the calendar had brought Mesoamerican civilization into existence at the end of the 4th millennium B.C., so it would ring down the curtain on the high culture of the Mayas at the proper moment. Their organic almanac was an abstract mechanism of intermeshing cycles strictly coinciding with the celestial patterns they observed. As the final Long Count ground to a halt, it signaled the end every Maya must obey. That moment arrived with the last gasp of the 9th century, when its universal recognition signaled a simultaneous evacuation of all ceremonial centers, including El Mirador.

 

Most of the Maya henceforward melded into the cultures of other, lesser peoples, losing forever their former identity and scientific greatness. A relative few traveled north, where they built the famous shining structures of Chichen Itza and Tulum.

 

Another contingent pushed beyond Yucatan and into the Gulf of Mexico, voyaging far up the Mississippi River into what is today known as western Illinois. There, across from Missouri’s “Gateway to the West,” the modern city of St. Louis, another, far older metropolis arose near the east bank of the Big Muddy.

 

Today, Cahokia is an archaeological park featuring the largest prehistoric earthwork in North America above the Rio Grande. Referred to as “Monks’ Mound” for the French Trappist monks who briefly occupied its one hundred-foot summit in the late 18th century before they went mad, its base of fourteen square acres is slightly larger than that of Egypt’s Great Pyramid, and comprises more than one million cubic feet of soil. During the zenith of the city’s far-flung influence one thousand years ago, its population topped thirty thousand residents. Surrounding the ceremonial center was a twenty-foot-tall stockade of plastered lime defended by hundreds of watch-towers more than four miles in circumference, and manned by a veritable legion of sentries.

 

Although conventional archaeologists are loathe to admit it, they cannot deny Cahokia’s unmistakably Maya features. If Monks’ Mound had been discovered in Yucatan instead of Illinois, they would have found it indistinguishable from any of the other step-pyramids raised by Mesoamerican construction engineers. True, none of the Maya temple platforms were made of earth, but ancient architects were no different than their modern counterparts, in that both were/are forced to build with the materials at hand; the area chosen for Cahokia has no limestone for quarrying.

 

In addition to striking, physical resemblances between Monks’ Mound and Maya pyramid design is something scholars call “Woodhenge.” One fifth of a mile from the great earthwork stands this formation of tall, red, cedar posts arranged in a circle. At its center, an observer sighted each one of the posts along the horizon to determine a wealth of celestial information—from the solstices and rising of the moon at its most northerly point (where it appears largest in the sky) to positions of specific constellations, with special emphasis on the Pleiades and Orion. This astronomical expertise was unique in the American Middle West and wholly unlike Plains Indian cosmology, but identical to the high science achieved by the Mayas.

 

As though to clinch the connection with southerly origins, Cahokia arose suddenly, without precedent, around A.D. 900, the same moment the Mayas abandoned their civilization in Yucatan. It seems clear they reestablished it in our country according to the will of Time, their chief deity.

 

But what became of the neo-Mayas after they re-created their culture in Illinois? That is yet another story.

Thursday, November 27, 2008

Greyhawk and Environs


THE THIRD REICH AND THE HOLLOW EARTH


The first full endorsement of the Hollow Earth idea came in April 1942 in the middle of the European struggles for control of the western world. At the height of the conflict, when the Third Reich was placing maximum effort into driving off the advancing allies, Goering Himmler and Adolf Hitler enthusiastically launched an expedition to the island of Rugen. The expedition party consisted of many of Germany's finest scientists who were tasked with locating the race of demi-gods who lived inside the globe and convincing them to help the Nazi party eliminate the allied armies. In Hitler's instructions, the group would easily gain the cooperation of the hidden lords of the underworld once they illustrated the Germans as the divine race who most deserved dominance on the surface. Hitler and Himmler both felt it vital to contact the inner race before the allies who would eventually find the inner world as well.

In April, 1942, Nazi Germany sent out an expedition composed of its most visionary scientists to seek a military vantage point in the "Hollow Earth." Although the safari of leading scientists left at a time when the Third Reich was putting maximum effort in their drive against the Allies, Goering, Himmler, and Hitler enthusiastically endorsed the project. 

The Fuehrer had long been convinced that Earth was concave and that man lived on the inside of the globe. According to theory advanced by the Nazi scientists, if the Third Reich were to position their most astute radar experts in the proper geometric area, they would be able to determine the position of the British Fleet and the Allied bomber squadrons, because the concave curvature of the globe would enable infrared rays to accomplish long-distance monitoring. 

When the Nazi exponents of the Hollow Earth hypothesis sent the expedition to the island of Rugen, they had complete confidence in their pseudo-scientific vision. Those nearest the Fuehrer shared his belief that such a coup as discovering the entrance to the Inner World would convince the Masters who lived there that the Nazis were truly deserving of mixing their blood in the hybridization of a master race. 

An important element in the Nazi mythos was the belief that representatives of a powerful, underground secret race emerged from time to time to walk among Homo sapiens. Hitler's frenzied desire to breed a select race of Nordic types was inspired by his obsessive hope that it should be the Germanic peoples who would be chosen above all other humans to interbreed with the subterranean supermen in the mutation of a new race of heroes, demigods, and god men.

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Hitler's Nazis were convinced that they were destined to rule the world, and they came to this warped conclusion through the acceptance of many occult beliefs and practices, including
astrology, the prophecies of Nostradamus, and the hollow/inverted Earth theory... hohlweltlehre. Because they suspected that our surface is on the interior of a concave Earth, Hitler sent an expedition in April of 1942, including Dr. Heinz Fischer and powerful telescopic cameras, to the Baltic island of Rugen to spy on the British fleet. Fischer did so not by aiming his cameras across the waters, but by pointing them up to peer across the atmosphere to the Atlantic Ocean. The expedition was a failure, of course. Fischer's cameras saw nothing but sky, and the British fleet remained safe.

When the Nazi exponents of the Hollow Earth hypothesis sent the expedition to the island of Rugen, they had complete confidence in their pseudo-scientific vision. Those nearest the Fuehrer shared his belief that such a coup as discovering the entrance to the Inner World would convince the Masters who lived there that the Nazis were truly deserving of mixing their blood in the hybridization of a master race.

An important element in the Nazi mythos was the belief that representatives of a powerful, underground secret race emerged from time to time to walk among Homo sapiens. Hitler's frenzied desire to breed a select race of Nordic types was inspired by his obsessive hope that it should be the Germanic peoples who would be chosen above all other humans to interbreed with the subterranean supermen in the mutation of a new race of heroes, demigods, and god men.


Wednesday, November 26, 2008

EDGAR CAYCE’S LEMURIA


This version of “Lemuria at its full extent” is published by the Theosophical Society

Atlantis Was Not the Only Lost Continent He Discussed


BY FRANK JOSEPH


Of our era’s alleged “psychics,” one name stands out among the rest. Edgar Cayce’s status as a genuine “seer” not only survived his mid-20th century death into the next Millennium, but has grown considerably beyond his lifetime reputation. The cause is not difficult to understand. His forty years of subconscious health pronouncements form a body of recorded medical information sought out by sufferers from around the world, as effective countermeasures to invasive, surgical procedures. His reputation as a healing intuitive aside, the far fewer utterances he made about Lemuria are not, as skeptics might expect, statements of wild fantasy, but remarkably consistent, and well within the scope of archaeology and geology. More valuably, they shed new light on the people, spirituality and destiny of Mu otherwise unavailable from conventional sources. Whether or not we give any credence to psychics, renowned or otherwise, his characterization of Lemurian persons and events is surprisingly credible and illuminating if viewed through the lens of neither preconceived belief nor unbelief.


Born 1877, in Kentucky, Cayce was known as “the Sleeping Prophet,” because he offered cures while in a deep trance. Until his death in Virginia, sixty eight years later, Cayce dictated thousands of “life-readings” allegedly obtained from a kind of spiritual record he claimed to be able to read while experiencing an altered state of consciousness. His formal education was meager, and points of reference were for him more spiritual than historical or academic. His grasp of the world was often biblical, not scholastic. It seems clear, then, that considerations of a sunken civilization were beyond the scope of his rural background, his fundamentally Christian worldview, and even his interests. Nonetheless, he inexplicably began talking about sunken cities one day during the course of giving his medical advice after nearly twenty years without mentioning a lost civilization. Awake, he knew virtually nothing about Atlantis and less concerning Lemuria. Yet, their sudden appearance among the “life-readings” was entirely in keeping with his therapeutic counsels.


During the early 1920s, in the course of listing and describing the root causes for various, inexplicable ailments afflicting his clients, Cayce stated that these apparently baseless health problems were the subconscious residue of negative behavior carried over from previous lives in Atlantis, a very long time ago. Unresolved at the time of its cataclysmic destruction, their “bad karma” carried over millennia of incarnations, inflicting each one, into the present lifetime, as guilt complexes, resulting in so-called “psychosomatic” conditions — actually, physical reflexes or reactions to spiritual pain, hence their suffering from incarnation to incarnation. “There can be no physical healing,” Cayce often repeated, “without spiritual healing, because the soul is the seat of our being.”


For more than twenty years after first startling his clients with their former lives in the sunken capital, Cayce went on to discuss Atlantis in many hundreds of “life-readings,” while far less frequently mentioning Mu or Lemuria. When asked why, he responded that the Atlanteans had be haved very badly, accumulating enormous karmic debt that needed to be set right over the course of numerous reincarnations. The virtuous Lemurians, spiritually solvent (for the most part) to the end, incurred less soul-debt, and were subsequently freer from the soul-cleansing round of birth-death-rebirth.


America’s renowned medical intuitive often mentioned Atlantis during his altered states of consciousness. But his description of the lost civilization was less for historical purposes than to provide a setting for pastlife behavior. According to Edgar Cayce, important ethical decisions acted upon in the ancient past contributed over subsequent reincarnations of a particular soul to its development, down to the present time. He believed that the predicaments or circumstances of the persons who sought his counsel during the early 20th century sometimes found their karmic roots in prehistory. Cayce was chiefly interested in Atlantis only insofar as it helped shed light on the spiritual condition of his clients. And since the Atlanteans were supposed to have been a morally challenged people, most of his “life-readings” concerned men and women who long ago dwelt in the doomed oceanic kingdom.


He found far fewer with Lemurian backgrounds, because the Pacific Motherland missed the materialism and wars which characterized its Atlantic counterpart, hence the substantially less karmic debt of its more peaceful inhabitants. What he did say about Lemuria, however, illuminated the lost realm from a truly unique perspective. Beyond any “psychic” or “karmic” considerations, Cayce’s readings about Mu or Lemuria are self-evidently plausible, because they often contain information that made little or no sense at the time they were made, but have been since confirmed in many instances by subsequent discoveries in geology and archaeology.


A case in point was his description of a forgotten civilization he claimed flourished in what is now the Gobi Desert many thousands of years ago when it was created by “those from the land of Mu” (1273-1 M.40 10/16/36). Living conditions then were utterly unlike the hostile environment for which the region is infamous, Cayce said, and began to rapidly deteriorate to its presently uninhabitable status immediately following the Great Flood. Recalling the Lemurian Garden of Eden, he spoke of “the first appearances of the Adamic influence that came to Asia and the Near East through “that now known as the Gobi land” (1210-1M.54 6/29/36).


When Cayce made these statements during the mid- 1930s, few people knew what he was talking about. One who did was James Churchward, whose several volumes about the Pacific Motherland had been recently published. In his first book, “The Lost Continent of Mu,” he declared, “at the time of the Uighur Empire, the Gobi Desert was an exceedingly fertile area of land. The Uighur was the principal colonial empire belonging to Mu at the time of the biblical “flood, which destroyed its eastern half. Eventually, the Uighurs extended themselves into Europe around the western and northern shores of the Caspian Sea, as related in a very old Hindu record. From there, they continued on through Central Europe ...”


During the lifetimes of Cayce and Churchward, and long after their deaths, both men were almost universally ridiculed by professional geologists and archaeologists for such statements. The Gobi Desert was generally believed to have always been an immense wasteland, never the “exceedingly fertile area” portrayed by the psychic and the colonel. Scanty records referred to a 12th century Uighur “kingdom” of sorts in Inner Asia, but nothing earlier. Today’s Uighurs are a sedentary people whose social organization revolves around village life in northwestern China, where they subsist on kaoliang, a kind of sorghum. “There seems to be little direct connection between the medieval people and those now bearing the name,” according to Rudy Evermann, a specialist in the history of the Gobi Desert. A Uighur impact on Europe appeared ludicrous and a crazy reversal of European influences on the Orient deemed incontrovertible by scholars.


In 1962, however, geological opinion was stood on its ear by abundant physical evidence proving that the Gobi region had indeed alternated between extended periods of fertility and aridity over the last few million years. The most recent environmental event-horizons occurred at the close of the Pleistocene Epoch, twelve thousand years before present, and again around the turn of the 4th millennium B.C. As recently as three thousand years ago, shepherds were tending flocks of sheep where today an ocean of sand spreads beyond the horizon. An even greater shock to conventional wisdom occurred in the following decade, when the corpse of a fair-complected, red-haired adult male was found in Central Asia. Almost perfectly intact because he had been naturally mummified by arid conditions of the Takla Makan Desert, the man was dated to nearly ten thousand years ago, millennia before the arrival of the first Chinese.


Nor was he alone. The remains of other, contemporary as well as later white-skinned men, women and children were excavated, more than five hundred alone in the Uighur areas of Ueruemchi and Tarim. Discoveries continued into the early 21st Century, when a cemetery of several hundred more Caucasian mummies was unearthed in the eastern Gobi during summer 2004 by Chinese archaeologists. Investigators were especially struck by the advanced state of attire worn by many of the corpses. They were dressed in beautifully made felt shirts, tailored trousers, elaborate skirts with handsome belts, silk scarves, leather jerkins, and shod with deerskin shoes or slippers.


The profusion and consistently skillful execution of their remarkably well-preserved clothing underscored Churchward’s comments, made fifty years before: “The Uighurs had reached a high state of civilization and culture; they knew astrology, mining, the textile industries (!), architecture, mathematics, agriculture (!), writing, reading, medicine, etc. They were experts in decorative art on silk (!), metals and wood, and they made statues of gold, silver, bronze and clay and this was before the history of Egypt began.” Archaeologists traced some of the Ueruemchi mummy styles and design patterns to Central Europe, again, as Churchward indicated decades earlier.


“The history of the Uighurs,” he stressed in italics, “is the history of the Aryans,” foreshadowing the anomalous discovery of ancient Caucasians in northwestern China, just where Cayce also spoke of an “Adamic” civilization in “the Gobi land.”


Although Cayce’s chronology is uncertain, his brief references to Lemuria are far less ambiguous and more convincing. A case in point is among the first statements he made about the lost Motherland, when he touched on Lemuria only briefly in his lengthy response to a question concerning geographical and geological conditions on Earth at the time homo sapiens-sapiens came into being. “The Andean, or the Pacific coast of South America,” he said, “occupied then the extreme western portion of Lemuria.” Sixty years after he made this statement, California’s Scripps Oceanographic Service published a series of maps revealing the latest discoveries in seafloor research. One such map details and names the Nazca Ridge, a more than two hundred mile long, former land-bridge that once connected the Peruvian coast at Nazca with a sunken archipelago. In 1932, Cayce appears to have identified an underwater feature unknown to science until the 1990s, thereby providing substantive evidence for Lemuria’s former existence.


Ironically, his first mention of the Pacific civilization, nine months after prophetically alluding to the yet-to-be-discovered Nazca Ridge, details the beginning of its demise. He stated that a “portion” of “Lemuria began its disappearance” ten thousand, seven hundred years ago. This time-period coincides remarkably well with the final moments of the last Ice Age, when melting glaciers generated dramatic increases in global sea-level, drowning coastal regions and far-flung lowland territories around the world. Lemuria and its culture continued to survive and prosper long after some territories were lost in the Ice Age Deluge, just as Cayce said. But related archaeological evidence tends to confirm his rough date for this early flood.


Of Lemuria’s demise Cayce said little, save that it took place before the final destruction of Atlantis. He was more concerned with the implications of the Pacific kingdom’s peaceful accomplishments, which continued to shape the reincarnated lives of men and women seeking his spiritual guidance. When asked why his readings of clients with past lives in Atlantis far outnumbered Lemurian reincarnations, he responded by saying that the Atlanteans had incurred much greater karmic debt, owing to their ancient obsession with materialism and its catastrophic outcome. Karma is the consequence of our behavior, he explained. By striving for social balance and individual harmony, the Lemurians largely avoided any need for reincarnation as a means of correcting the consequences of former indiscretions, and went on to fulfill their spiritual destiny in levels of being beyond the earth plain.

Monday, November 24, 2008

CANADIAN TEAM DOCUMENTS ANCIENT SUPERFLOOD


Climate Changes at the End of Last Ice Age Said to Be Result

In 2003 Canadian scientists reported in the journal Science that an ancient ‘superflood’ produced the climate changes accompanying the end of the last ‘ice age’. The flood they say followed the bursting of a massive glacier ice dam.

A team led by University of British Columbia geophysicist Garry Clarke reports that the water body, known as Lake Agassiz, reached a massive 163,000 cubic kilometers in volume—at least double that of the largest contemporary lake, the Caspian Sea—and concludes that its release was “by far the largest known glacial outburst of the past 100,000 years.” The report dates the event at about 8,500 years ago. An analysis of Greenland Ice cores reveals that ocean circulation in the Northern hemisphere was altered for the next 200 years or so, dropping the mean temperature 5°C. Snow accumulation decreased sharply and forest fires became more frequent.

Clarke’s team details how water in the glacial lake, tunneled its way beneath the ice dam, leading to its inevitable disintegration. The study provides further support for ideas put forward by Graham Hancock in his recent book “Underworld.” Hancock explains how vast coastal regions which were above water 11,000 years ago were inundated by catastrophic floods just like those described by the Canadian team. Such areas, Hancock suggests may contain the ruins of civilizations preceding those from recorded history. When those regions have been fully explored, the underwater evidence they provide could finally reveal the true source of thousands of ancient flood accounts from around the world. Recent discoveries in India’s Gulf of Cambay and in the Caribbean could ultimately provide such artifacts, but if not them, there remain many other possibilities. The entire Persian Gulf, for example, was above water before the end of the “ice age” and may hold keys to the origins of Sumer, currently believed by conventional archaeology to be the cradle of civilization.

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Ancient superflood brought climate chaos

Bob Beale
ABC Science Online
Friday, 15 August 2003

A 'superflood' created by the bursting of a huge lake may have triggered climatic chaos

A catastrophic 'superflood' following the rupture of a massive glacier-dammed lake in Canada at the end of the Ice Age probably plunged the world into centuries of climatic chaos.

That single event was likely responsible for the most dramatic climate change of the last 10,000 years, according to a report by a Canadian team led by Professor Garry Clarke, a geophysicist at the University of British Columbia in Vancouver, which appears today in the journal Science.

The 'superflood' was enough to alter ocean circulation in the Northern Hemisphere: analysis of ice cores taken in Greenland reveal that for the next 200 years or so, the mean temperature dropped by 5°C, snow accumulation decreased sharply and forest fires became more frequent.

Clarke's team found that the water body, known as Lake Agassiz, reached a massive 163,000 cubic km in volume - at least double that of the largest contemporary lake, the Caspian Sea - and that its release was "by far the largest known glacial outburst of the past 100,000 years".

It was formed after the vast Laurentide Ice Sheet, which at its maximum formed a 3-kilometre-thick dome over Hudson Bay, began disintegrating rapidly about 8,500 years ago.

As the ice sheet retreated north, it left behind a large depressed area of land. This sloped towards the former ice dome and gradually filled with meltwater and run-off from precipitation to become Lake Agassiz.

But icebergs and remnants of the ice sheet dammed the lake, which at its maximum elevation had a natural 'spillway' about 230 m above sea level, the researchers said.

"Modern analogues and the known physics of outburst flooding indicate that tunnelling below the ice is the most probable flood release mechanism," Clarke said.

"Because ice floats on water, thinning ice dams are unstable. Initiation of a flood routed beneath the ice therefore pre-empts the possibility of a flood routed across the ice. Once a subglacial path is established, an ice-walled conduit will tend to grow by melting its walls," he added.

As water tunnelled its way through the ice dam, its rupture became unavoidable. The team said that on the basis of radiocarbon dating, a full torrent was finally unleashed about 8,450 years ago. It took less than a year to discharge.

After the lake water gushed into the Hudson Bay, its freshness altered the strength of ocean circulation, which in turn caused the abrupt climate changes in much of the Northern Hemisphere, the team said.

Geological evidence suggests that this first flood was followed by a smaller one from a lower water level of about 125 m, either because the lake was drained by two successive outbursts or because the first flood drained it to sea level or because the ice-dam reformed and allowed it to partly refill before breaking again.

Either way, once the dam had been permanently breached, the discharge that formerly overflowed to the St Lawrence Valley was routed northward to Hudson Bay.

The researchers argue that understanding the mechanisms underlying past climate change events is increasingly important as people grow more concerned about the magnitude and rate of future climate change.

"Changes in the volume and extent of the ice sheets that once covered much of North America directly influenced the freshwater balance of the North Atlantic and are implicated in many abrupt climate events of the past 100,000 years," the researchers wrote.

"During the last Ice Age, when a kilometres-thick ice sheet covered most of Canada and parts of the northern United States, armadas of icebergs were episodically launched into the North Atlantic. The melting of this freshwater ice and the associated freshening of ocean surface waters are believed to have changed the strength of the oceanic thermohaline circulation, thereby causing abrupt climate changes," they said.